食品安全视域下政府监管存在的矛盾及改进策略

目前,突出的食品安全问题与政府管理机制的运行缺陷、内在矛盾有着密切关系。政府在管理职能、管理手段、治理过程、信息传播、法规执行上存在着诸多的问题。因此,厘清矛盾关系,找出监管"失灵"的根源,转变监管理念,调整监管行为,提升监管效能,这样,才能提高政府对食品安全监管的公信力。     

顶空GC／MS法检验血液中的硫化氢

目的建立血液中硫化氢的气相色谱质谱联用分析方法。方法取心血3mL-5mL,置于20mL顶空瓶中,加入1g氯化钠,加3mL-5mL蒸馏水,加入2mol／L盐酸1mL,加盖密封,混匀后于80℃水浴中加热20min。取液上气体0．5mL进样分析。结果在中毒死亡者的心血中检出硫化氢,保留时间参考值为3．6min。结论该方法可用于刑事案件中硫化氢的快速分析。     

GC/MS法联合分析生物检材中的尼美舒利、二氧丙嗪

目的建立生物检材中尼美舒利、二氧丙嗪的GC/MS检验方法。方法采用浸取法提取,GC/MS定性检验,内标法选择离子检测（SIM）模式定量检验。结果最低回收率为69%,尼美舒利的线性相关系数为0.998,克咳敏的线性相关系数为0.9973。结论该方法操作简便快速,提取率高,可用于实际案件中尼美舒利、二氧丙嗪的检验。     

海洋的“公物”属性与海域用益物权的制度构建

自罗马法以降,海洋即具有＂公物＂属性。国家领海主权与国家海域所有权的出现,亦未改变海洋的＂公物＂属性。由这一属性所决定,海域用益物权的法理基础,不可能建立在国家海域所有权的＂权能转移＂基础之上,而只能建立在海洋资源的保护与合理利用的公共利益基础之上。由此出发,海域用益物权制度的构建,应通过严格法定主义原则,来适应明确界定公共利益范围的法治要求;在海域用益物权合同的订立中,国家不享有承诺自由,并且合同的相对性原则应受到第三人利益的限制;将海洋渔业养殖许可与海域用益物权相割裂,将前者视为一种资质许可的观点,不能成立。     

香港特区基本法第23条的法理分析

香港基本法第23条未使用“授权”的语词,但属于授权条款,特别授权香港特区自行制定维护国家安全的法律,香港特区第23条立法属于特别授权立法,中央监督特区立法的过程及其实施,香港特区第23条立法应以维护国家安全为核心原则,明晰特区居民的权利界限,香港特区行政长官对第23条立法负责,应主导第23条立法。     

放火罪的处罚根据

放火罪的保护法益是公共安全。行为人烧毁自己财物本身并不违法,行为人烧毁自己财物构成放火罪的处罚根据在于这种行为危及公共安全,因此,公共安全应当解释为是一种构成要件要素。即便放火后达到独立燃烧的程度,还不能说发生了财产侵害,因此,通说有过于强调危及公共安全而忽视放火罪所具有的毁弃、损坏罪的一面。独立燃烧说将会导致放火罪的既遂时点提前而几乎没有成立未遂犯和中止犯的余地的后果。     

Introduction: the history of anthropology

Abstract

On 24 January 1999 a new party was formed by the former Front national (FN) number two, Bruno Mégret. The Front national–Mouvement national was subsequently renamed twice: it became the Mouvement national (MN) following the loss of a court case, and later the Mouvement national républicain (MNR). Mégret claims that the MNR is a party not of the extreme right but of the moderate right, labelled by him the ‘national right’. This is a definition with which many political analysts in France seem to have concurred. In this article Bastow analyses the extent to which the characterization is a true one. First, he outlines the context in which Mégret formed the MNR, focusing on his political background and the strategy which he previously sought to impose on the FN. An extended treatment of the policy proposals put forward by the MNR is then followed by an analysis of the extent to which these amount to a break from an ideology which can be identified as extreme right. He concludes by assessing the prospects for the MNR's success.     

Introduction

This introductory paper seeks to provide an overview of the key themes that run through the papers in this special issue. Taking their cue from some ongoing current debates about the meanings of citizenship, multiculturalism and identity in the contemporary environment, Schuster and Solomos begin by exploring some of the most significant ideas in current political and academic controversies about these issues. In doing so they touch upon some of the main policy dilemmas faced both by nation-states and by migrant and minority communities. They then move on to engage with the question of what policies need to be developed to deal with citizenship and belonging in societies that are increasingly ethnically and culturally diverse. They conclude by analysing the direction of current research and policy priorities, and provide an overview of the key arguments to be found in each of the substantive papers that make up this issue.     

The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space

Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.